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Characterised in contemporary literature as having achieved 'great deeds' and being a 'most courageous Caesar' [Nazarius, Panegyrici Latini 10.3.4] and a ruler most dear to god [Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica, 10.9.6], Crispus, first son of Constantine the Great, was seemingly deserving of the heroic manner in which he is portrayed on this solidus. Minted in 324, it is a manifestation of his father's gratitude to Crispus for his assistance in finally defeating Constantine's rival Augustus in the East, Licinius.
Proclaimed Caesar in 317 and having already established himself as a competent military commander, winning victories over the Franks and the Alamanni in 320 and 323, it was in 324 that Crispus achieved his most impressive military victory to date. Appointed commander of Constantine's fleet, Crispus was despatched to confront Licinius and his subsequent victory at the Battle of the Hellespont proved a resounding endorsement of Crispus' leadership. His involvement in Constantine's later decisive victory over Licinius' forces at the battle of Chrysopolis cemented his favour with his father, who made his gratitude to his eldest son manifest by commissioning various visual representations of his son, including mosaics and statuary. The dating of this coin can, thus, directly relate it to his involvement in the victories in 324. The fact that it was minted in Nicomedia, a city previously under the now-defeated Licinius' rule, seems pertinent and, perhaps, rather ironic in that is demonstrates the continuation of the reverse type CONCORDIA AVGG NN, which had been extensively used under Licinius' and Constantine's joint rule as an indication of their cohesion.
The rarity of the gold coinage of Crispus is testament, however, to a less glorious latter chain of events, as his time in favour was short-lived. In 326 Crispus was executed on his father's orders at the town of Pola, just two years after he had been so publicly lauded by him and his depictions were then subject to damnatio memoriae. The reasons for his execution remain somewhat unclear, and as is so often the case for figures in the ancient world who were subject to damnatio memoriae and misleading propaganda after their death, getting to the truth of events can be challenging.
The most widely accepted ancient version of events, proposed by, amongst others, Zosimus/ΖΩΣΙΜΟΣ [New History 2.29.2] is that Constantine's wife [Crispus' step-mother] Fausta was infatuated by him and, on his rejection of her advances, she accused him of attempting to seduce her, resulting in her husband's decision to execute him. The parallels with the myth of Phaedra and Hippolytus, son of Theseus, seem inescapable and, undoubtedly, influenced contemporary writers in their portrayal of events. This representation of Constantine's reasoning has also been seen to reflect increasingly Christianising tone of the contemporary and later literature and historiography, as indeed most writers obliquely imply that Crispus was only accused of adultery by Fausta, which is not necessarily commensurate with the harsh punishment meted out and, moreover, the representation of women as wicked and scheming was, of course, not uncommon in Christian writing.
It, nevertheless, does seem likely that Fausta was directly involved in Crispus' end, and her motivation was clearly that her own sons were lower in the line of succession while Crispus was the official heir. With Crispus out of the way, Fausta's eldest son Constantine II would be promoted to next in line. It would, indeed, not be the first instance that can be found of maternal machinations on behalf of sons in the imperial family; both Agrippina the Younger and Livia have been accused of the same. Like Agrippina the Younger, however, Fausta herself came to an unpleasant end, being killed on Constantine's orders [Zosimus, New History, 2.29.2].
Proclaimed Caesar in 317 and having already established himself as a competent military commander, winning victories over the Franks and the Alamanni in 320 and 323, it was in 324 that Crispus achieved his most impressive military victory to date. Appointed commander of Constantine's fleet, Crispus was despatched to confront Licinius and his subsequent victory at the Battle of the Hellespont proved a resounding endorsement of Crispus' leadership. His involvement in Constantine's later decisive victory over Licinius' forces at the battle of Chrysopolis cemented his favour with his father, who made his gratitude to his eldest son manifest by commissioning various visual representations of his son, including mosaics and statuary. The dating of this coin can, thus, directly relate it to his involvement in the victories in 324. The fact that it was minted in Nicomedia, a city previously under the now-defeated Licinius' rule, seems pertinent and, perhaps, rather ironic in that is demonstrates the continuation of the reverse type CONCORDIA AVGG NN, which had been extensively used under Licinius' and Constantine's joint rule as an indication of their cohesion.
The rarity of the gold coinage of Crispus is testament, however, to a less glorious latter chain of events, as his time in favour was short-lived. In 326 Crispus was executed on his father's orders at the town of Pola, just two years after he had been so publicly lauded by him and his depictions were then subject to damnatio memoriae. The reasons for his execution remain somewhat unclear, and as is so often the case for figures in the ancient world who were subject to damnatio memoriae and misleading propaganda after their death, getting to the truth of events can be challenging.
The most widely accepted ancient version of events, proposed by, amongst others, Zosimus/ΖΩΣΙΜΟΣ [New History 2.29.2] is that Constantine's wife [Crispus' step-mother] Fausta was infatuated by him and, on his rejection of her advances, she accused him of attempting to seduce her, resulting in her husband's decision to execute him. The parallels with the myth of Phaedra and Hippolytus, son of Theseus, seem inescapable and, undoubtedly, influenced contemporary writers in their portrayal of events. This representation of Constantine's reasoning has also been seen to reflect increasingly Christianising tone of the contemporary and later literature and historiography, as indeed most writers obliquely imply that Crispus was only accused of adultery by Fausta, which is not necessarily commensurate with the harsh punishment meted out and, moreover, the representation of women as wicked and scheming was, of course, not uncommon in Christian writing.
It, nevertheless, does seem likely that Fausta was directly involved in Crispus' end, and her motivation was clearly that her own sons were lower in the line of succession while Crispus was the official heir. With Crispus out of the way, Fausta's eldest son Constantine II would be promoted to next in line. It would, indeed, not be the first instance that can be found of maternal machinations on behalf of sons in the imperial family; both Agrippina the Younger and Livia have been accused of the same. Like Agrippina the Younger, however, Fausta herself came to an unpleasant end, being killed on Constantine's orders [Zosimus, New History, 2.29.2].